Holy Roman Empire

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War cannot simply be waged on a whim, "Before troops and horses move, provisions must go first; before war begins, diplomacy leads the way."

The political landscape of multiple states existing on the European Continent dictates the importance of diplomacy.

The Vienna Government did not yet have the confidence to confront all European countries at once, which is where the role of diplomacy became prominent.

It wasn’t necessary for all countries to support Austria in starting this war, but it was crucial to ensure that at least the majority did not oppose it.

Smaller countries were of less concern, mostly being opportunists. To them, Austria was already powerful; a bit more strength wouldn’t matter much.

As long as their own interests were not harmed, they would, at most, voice some dissatisfaction.

The nations that truly held sway were the three ’big bullies’: England, France, and Russia. The lesser powers Spain, the out-of-reach Nordic Federation, and the neighboring German Federation Empire, could barely count for a third of the influence.

Figuring out how to deal with these countries had become the most important task for Austria’s Foreign Ministry at present.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, "The volatile situation on the European Continent is very beneficial for our next moves.

The French government is plagued by revolution and currently can barely manage itself.

By not supporting the Italian independence movement and the French Revolutionary Party, in exchange for the implicit consent from the Paris Government for our action, the likelihood of success is very high.

Spain has always closely followed the French on the international stage. As long as the French government does not object, they will most likely keep a low profile.

The German Federation, even if not supportive of us, will not oppose either. We can promote nationalism, emphasize the hatred between the German People and the Ottoman Empire, and gaining their support should not be difficult.

The Nordic Federation is far removed, and this war will not touch upon their interests. Moreover, we guaranteed a loan for the Russians from the Nordic Federation.

If they still need us to provide security for that loan, they will not stand against us.

The most troublesome are Britain and Russia. Securing support from the British Government is essentially impossible, we simply do not have enough interests to exchange.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will next focus on the Russians. If we make certain concessions or cede some Ottoman territories to the Russians, the Tsarist Government is unlikely to refuse."

The core of diplomacy lies in interest, and it’s time for the exchange of interests. As long as the price is high enough, nothing is unbuyable.

Gazing at the map of the Near East on the wall, Franz contemplated for a moment before making a decision, "If the Russians agree to deploy troops with us, then the eastern boundary shall be the Alarakus River, and the boundary on the Asia Minor Peninsula shall be the Anatolian Plateau.

If the Tsarist Government is unwilling to deploy troops but only supports us diplomatically, then they can only be granted territories north of the Greater Caucasus mountain range, and they will have no share in the Asia Minor Peninsula."

Without a doubt, regardless of the distribution method, Austria would take the biggest share of interests; it’s no longer ’an even split of the Ottoman Empire between two nations’.

Reality is so cruel, interests always align with strength. The price Franz offered was also based on Russia’s own power.

Especially with the first scenario, where both nations would seemingly fairly split the Ottoman Empire—this seemingly equitable offer also harbored ill intentions.

One could tell just by looking at the boundaries drawn by Franz. Should Russia and Austria remain friendly neighbors, then all would be well, but if one day the two turned against each other, there would be vulnerabilities everywhere.

The Russian Balkans, the Asia Minor Peninsula—all would be directly exposed to Austria’s military might and could fall in an instant.

This was determined by both geography and strength. Although territorially contiguous with the Russian Empire, that connectivity was merely geographical. n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om

With mountain ranges in between, and no reliance on railways, transportation depended entirely on the Black Sea.

The moment Constantinople fell, and the Austrian Navy entered the Black Sea, Russia’s lifeline would be severed.

Even if the Russians did hold Constantinople, it would be useless—the Black Sea Fleet was already gone.

Should the Austrian Army simply advance to any port on the Black Sea coast and dispatch a dozen submarines into the Black Sea, the same objective could be achieved.

In modern warfare, logistics are key. Once an army loses its logistical support, it becomes nothing.

In a sense, this was a massive trap. The more the Tsarist Government invested in these regions, the heavier the loss they would suffer.

...

Paris, ever since the news spread that European countries would convene an international conference there to jointly curb the spread of revolutionary ideas, the situation had become uncontrollable.

Hundreds of thousands of Parisians took to the streets, protesting against the government’s collusion with international reactionary forces and its conspiracy to persecute the revolution.

The protestations of the people were clearly audible within the Palace of Versailles, and Napoleon IV grew increasingly gaunt, as if he had aged twenty years in an instant.

He had no choice; with crowds creating turmoil outside every day, the mental torment was more than most could bear.

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Gathering troops to disperse the marching masses? It’s of no use; no sooner do we disperse them than they regroup.

The most critical point is that people are protesting legally and, before any extreme actions are taken, the government has no right to suppress them.

It’s not that Napoleon IV is playing by the rules; mainly, he lacks confidence and fears escalating the conflict, so he dares not order a crackdown.

Those suppressed by the French government are extremists who have already launched rebellions. The protesting masses are not part of it, and they can’t be subdued so easily.

According to incomplete statistics, in recent times, at least one-third of France’s population has participated in protest demonstrations.

Throwing the document in his hand to the floor, Napoleon IV roared in anger, "Who can tell me when will this ever end?"

The Emperor’s temper was getting worse, which everyone sensed quite clearly. No matter how bad his temper was, work still had to proceed normally.

Foreign Minister Terence Burkin reported, "Your Majesty, we’ve just received news from Vienna. The Austrians are planning an invasion of the Ottoman Empire."

Napoleon IV shook his head, "My Foreign Minister, such trivial matters can be handled by you; there’s no need to bother me!"

"Austrian invasion of the Ottoman" has also become a trifling matter. According to this standard, it’s likely that there will be no significant international incidents.

Terence Burkin, with great reluctance, reminded him, "Your Majesty, this is no ordinary war. The Austrians intend to swallow the Ottoman Empire whole.

If they complete their plan, we will have another Eastern Roman Empire, minus Constantinople. It will have a huge impact on us."

The impact would indeed be enormous. If Austria were to swallow up the Ottoman Empire, the consequences would be more terrifying than the revival of the Eastern Roman Empire.

At least, historically, the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire did not extend to the Central European Region, nor did it have a colonial empire that spanned the whole world.

Napoleon IV gave a wry smile and shook his head, "Even so, what can be done about it? With the state we’re in now, do you really think we’re in any position to interfere?

Why don’t you go out and tell the public: to save the Ottoman Empire, we need to fight a war against Austria and see what they would do.

As for the potential major issues that Austria may cause, let the damned English worry about them!"

Terence Burkin hesitated, not yet ready to die, and unwilling to seek trouble.

In Paris, where anti-war and revolutionary sentiments are rife, if the government dares to send troops to help the Ottomans, wouldn’t that force everyone towards revolution?

Since they are powerless, they might as well let go. Having been battered by a series of societal blows, Napoleon IV had matured and learned to be pragmatic.

…

Time passed day by day, and the date of the Paris International Conference drew ever nearer, making the situation in Paris increasingly tense.

In the evening, inside an ordinary farmhouse on the outskirts, dozens of people had gathered.

A middle-aged man with a beard spoke up first, "From the current situation, it seems the Bonaparte government is unlikely to compromise.

If we let the Paris International Conference be held smoothly, allowing these European monarchs to collude, our chances of a successful revolution will be even lower."

A scholarly young man slammed the table fiercely, "We can’t wait any longer. Revolutionary thought has already taken deep root in people’s hearts, and the public has long suffered under the Bonaparte dynasty. The time for revolution is ripe."

Sensing the tense atmosphere, the meeting’s organizer hurriedly calmed the crowd, "Little Luv, let’s talk calmly, there’s no need to be so agitated.

We are not sufficiently prepared yet—outside of having some influence within the National Guard, we haven’t had time to infiltrate the other troops.

Without the support of the military, achieving a revolution would be almost impossible."

It was a harsh reality, but that was the truth. Without the support of the military, the notion of an armed revolution to seize power was more like a fanciful tale.

Little Luv countered, "Mr. Feijuning, that’s not the case.

The wave of revolution has not come easily; the last time a revolutionary wave swept through Europe was in 1848.

If we miss this opportunity, no one knows when the next wave of revolution might appear.

Without the support of a large-scale environment, relying solely on our own strength, even with the most thorough preparations, we cannot counteract the pushback from the Monarch Group.

We’re at a point where we must risk all. Once the Paris International Conference is over and the Monarch Group has united, it will be too late to act."

…